Abstract
The Houthi-Iran drone attacks have become a serious problem for regional stability and international maritime security and have had a profound impact on India-Iran relations. This paper examines the facets of these attacks, beginning with an exploration of the geopolitical context shaped by the Israel-Palestine conflict and Iran’s involvement in supporting the Houthi rebels. Iran's strategic backing for the Houthis, coupled with its larger regional ambitions, exacerbates tensions and complicates the security environment in West Asia
The targeted drone strikes on commercial vessels such as MV Chem Pluto, MV Genco Picardy and MV Sai Baba, which took place in the high seas, highlight the expanding reach of Houthi capabilities and their potential to disrupt global trade routes. These incidents not only pose economic risks, such as increased shipping costs and insurance premiums, but also raise critical legal issues under international maritime law, particularly in terms of piracy
From a political point of view, these attacks threaten India’s diplomatic relations with Iran and require a delicate balance between addressing security concerns and maintaining economic and strategic partnerships. The Chabahar Port project, a key component of India-Iran cooperation, is particularly vulnerable, underlining the need to strengthen measures maritime security to maintain good order and conduct at sea.
In conclusion, the paper critically analyses the implications of these attacks, emphasising the need for India to adopt a multifaceted approach that includes strengthening maritime security, engaging in proactive diplomacy with Iran, and fostering regional cooperation. In order to safeguard India's strategic interests and ensure regional stability, it is essential to address these challenges. The paper advocates for a concerted effort to mitigate the risks posed by asymmetric threats, promoting a secure and sustainable future for India-Iran relations
Introduction
West Asia has long been a theatre of conflict, where actors from different states and non-states are fighting for influence. In recent years, the geopolitical landscape of West Asia has been characterised by alliances and conflict landscapes, and the Houthi-Iran partnership has become a decisive player. Drone attacks on commercial ships carried out by the Houthi rebels, allegedly supported by Iran, not only intensify regional tensions but also have a global effect on the maritime and economic sphere of influence1. The choke points of Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden, critical trade routes, have experienced a growing increase in attacks on commercial shipping. These instances raise concerns about the safety and security of the International Shipping Lines (ISL) and the Sea Lanes of Communication (SLOC), which has prompted a reassessment of the maritime security protocols of the affected countries. Among the vessels targeted were the MV Chem Pluto and MV Sai Baba, both having connections though not directly to India (Indian crews)2. The attacks on these vessels showcase the susceptibility of commercial shipping to asymmetric threats posed by non-state actors3
India, with its significant economic and strategic interests in West Asia, particularly in the maritime domain, is in a risky spot. These attacks have stressed the need for India to respond vigorously to protect its maritime interests. The Indian Maritime Security Strategy (2015) points out that the Western Indian Ocean is recognised as India’s primary area of interest and so she strives to be the ‘first responder’ to humanitarian disasters and a ‘preferred security partner’ for maritime capacity building for littorals in the region4. More importantly, the wider effects of these attacks on India’s relations with Iran cannot be understated. With deep-rooted historical connections and cultural associations, both countries, have developed strategic partnerships in areas such as energy, trade, and maritime cooperation5. The evolution and transformation of the Iranian Chabahar Port, a key component of India's regional connectivity initiatives, testifies to the strategic importance of these bilateral relations.
The Houthi-Iran drone attacks have further complicated India-Iran relations. On one hand, India in order to safeguard its national interests, must traverse through the region diplomatically, thereby stabilising its strategic alliance with Iran. On the other hand, (India) must elevate its security strategies and make its presence felt in the region. This can be achieved through focusing its naval capabilities to monitor the region and collaborating with regional and global partners to ensure good order and conduct in the region.
In this context, this paper seeks to explore the multifaceted implications of the Houthi-Iran drone attacks on India-Iran relations. The discussion will encompass various dimensions, including the Israel-Palestine conflict and Iran's involvement, the legal nuances of classifying drone attacks as piracy, and the specific cases of the MV Chem Pluto and MV Sai Baba attacks. Furthermore, the paper will analyse the economic, legal, and political ramifications of these attacks, and their impact on India-Iran naval relations, with a particular focus on the strategic importance of Chabahar Port. Finally, a critical analysis will be provided, outlining potential strategies for mitigating the risks and fostering a stable and cooperative regional security environment.
Israel-Palestine Conflict and Involvement of Iran and Houthi Rebels
The Israel-Palestine dispute has been an enduring and deeply rooted problem in West Asia, distinctively marked by violent breakouts and a deliberately delayed scuffle for sovereignty and rights. The conflict's origin can be ascertained to the early 20th century, with competing nationalist ambitions and territorial disputes between Jewish and Arab populations in the region6. Over time, the conflict has grown, with various regional and international actors becoming involved, each with their own strategic interests and agendas.
Iran is a major competitor in the Israeli-Palestine conflict, mainly because of its support for Palestine armed groups such as Hamas and Islamic Jihad7. This support is supported not only by Iran’s broader ideological commitment to the Palestinian cause but also by its aim to counteract the influence of Israel and the United States (US) in the region. Iran's involvement in the conflict has a wide range of aspects including encompassing financial, military, and political support for the Palestinian factions, and a wider narrative of resistance against Israeli occupation8.
The Yemeni Houthi rebels who are linked to Iran, have also articulated confederacy to the Palestinian cause. The Houthis, who belong to the Shia sects of Shiite Islam, regard their scuffle in Yemen as part of a broader resistance against perceived Western and Israeli imperialism9. This ideological alignment led Houthis to publicly condemn Israeli actions against Palestinians and express their solidarity with Palestinian groups supported by Iran. Although the Houthis' direct participation in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is limited, their integration into Iran's regional strategies highlights the interconnected nature of West Asian conflicts
The Houthi-Iran alliance is a significant factor in the geopolitical landscape of West Asia. Iran's support for the Houthis serves multiple strategic purposes, including countering Saudi influence in Yemen, projecting power in the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden, and maintaining a network of allied non-state actors across the region. The Houthis, in turn, benefit from Iranian military expertise, financial support, intelligence and advanced weaponry, including drones, which they have used to target both Yemeni and Saudi assets.
The use of drones by the Houthis represents a significant escalation in their capabilities and a new dimension of asymmetric warfare. These drones, often supplied or designed with Iranian assistance, have been used to target key infrastructure, including oil facilities, airports, and commercial vessels. The attacks on Saudi oil facilities in Abqaiq and Khurais in 2019, attributed to Houthi drones, were particularly significant, demonstrating the group's ability to strike deep within Saudi territory and disrupt global oil supplies10.
The involvement of Iran and the Houthis in the Israel-Palestine conflict, though indirect, underscores the wider regional dynamics at play. Iran, through its cultivated network of ideological allies like the Houthis, Hamas, and Hezbollah, strategically employs these non-state actors as instruments of influence in the West Asian region
This fosters a web of interconnected pressures on its adversaries, further complicating the path toward regional peace. This calculated strategy, while undeniably artful, casts a long shadow, not only hindering the resolution of individual conflicts but also exacerbating the simmering cauldron of instability that defines the region
For India, the entanglement of Iran and the Houthis in the Israel-Palestine conflict and overarching regional dynamics poses a complex challenge. India has historically maintained a balanced approach to the Israel-Palestine conflict, advocating for a two-state solution and maintaining diplomatic relations with both Israel and Palestine. However, the deepening involvement of Iran and its allies in regional conflicts necessitates a nuanced and strategic response from India, particularly in the context of its relations with Iran
India's strategic interests in West Asia, including its energy security, security of maritime trade and the Sea Lines of Communication (SLOCs), and the development of Chabahar Port, require a stable and cooperative regional environment. The destabilising actions of the Houthis, supported by Iran, threaten these interests and necessitate a recalibration of India's regional strategy. Balancing its longstanding relationship with Iran against the need to safeguard its maritime and strategic interests is a delicate task that requires careful diplomatic manoeuvring and enhanced regional cooperation
Attack on MV Chem Pluto, MV Genco Picardy and MV Sai Baba
In December 2023, two Merchant Vessels, MV Chem Pluto and MV Sai Baba were subjected to have been attacked by drone strikes or aerial Platform(s). A similar attack was carried out on MV Genco Picardy in January 202411. These attacks highlight the increase in the sophistication capacities and capabilities of Houthi rebels who with the help of Iranian support have expanded their technological and operational reach.
MV Chem Pluto was transiting en route Jubail, Saudi Arabia, to New Mangalore, India and was attacked 200 miles Southwest of Veraval12. The attacks caused an explosion on the poop deck and fire on board the Liberian Flag Chemical/Oil Tanker, MV Chem Pluto with a crew of 21 Indians and 01 Vietnamese13. This resulted in a complete power failure aboard and the drifting of the vessel until restored by the crew14
The Information Fusion Centre Indian Ocean Region (IFC-IOR) immediately relayed this information to the Indian Navy (IN) and the Indian Coast Guard. Swiftly responding to the crisis, the IN and the ICG pressed into action immediately and deployed P8I Maritime Reconnaissance aircraft and a warship, ICGS Vikram and a Dornier to render assistance to MV Chem Pluto. Escorted back to safety to Mumbai, MV Chem Pluto was docked there for further repairs. The Indian Navy’s Explosive Ordnance Disposal (EOD) team inspected the vessel and made a preliminary assessment of the type and nature of the attack; thereby confirming a drone attack15. Further, a forensic and technical investigation was also conducted to determine the vector of attack: including the type and amount of explosive used.
Similarly, a Gabbon Flagged Oil tanker MV Sai Baba, with a crew of 25 Indian members was targeted by a one-way attack drone while traversing the Southern Red Sea Region16. The vessel was headed towards India. The US Central Command (CENCOM) confirmed that the attack was by the Houthis17.
Likewise, on 18 Jan 2024, Mission Based Deployed (MBD) INS Visakhapatnam swiftly responded within an hour to a distress call by MV Genco Picardy, a Marshall Island flagged vessel18. MV Genco Picardy, a bulk carrier, departed Port of Safaga in Egypt on 11 Jan and was scheduled to arrive at Thoothukudi in Tamil Nadu in India on 24 Jan19. With 22 crew (09 Indian) she came under drone attacks while transiting through the Gulf of Aden. Indian Naval EOD specialists from INS Visakhapatnam boarded the vessel carried out a thorough inspection and later rendered the area safe for further transit20.
Taking these attacks very seriously, the Indian Prime Minister, Narendra Modi, and Defence Minister Rajnath Singh promised to punish the perpetrators. Stressing the safety and security of the region, the Indian PM initiated talks with the Israeli PM Benjamin Netanyahu and Saudi Arabia’s Crown Prince to preserve maritime security and unfettered navigation21. Given the current unstable geopolitics of the region and attacks on India-bound ships, the IN has stepped up its surveillance and deployed its Western Fleet ships and aircraft in different areas of the Arabian Sea for deterrence. Moreover, the Western Naval Command’s (WNC) Maritime Operations Centre (MOC) in close coordination with the ICG and other agencies closely monitors the developments in the region22.
Piracy or Not Piracy
The ability of the Houthis to carry out such precise attacks proves the evolving nature of maritime threats and the need for enhanced security measures in the region. Non-traditional threats like piracy have over the years proven to be a major threat to international shipping. Piracy is regarded as the first universal crime, and pirates are therefore considered to be ‘hostis humani generis’ (enemy of all humanity)23.
Legally, regarding aerial attacks, using drones as a medium of attack by non-state actors on merchant shipping as acts of Piracy presents a legal conundrum. However, the US while condemning such heinous attacks has termed them as piracy24.
Nonetheless, Article 101, of the United Nations Convention on the Laws of the Sea (UNCLOS)25 1982 has defined maritime piracy as follows:- “Piracy consists of the following acts
(a) any illegal acts of violence or detention, or any act of depredation, committed for private ends by the crew or the passengers of a private ship or a private aircraft, and directed:
(i) on the high seas, against another ship or aircraft, or against persons or property on board such ship or aircraft;
(ii) against a ship, aircraft, persons, or property in a place outside the jurisdiction of any State;
(iii) any act of inciting or of intentionally facilitating an act described in subparagraph (a) or (b).''
This definition therefore clearly details those specific conditions need to be met for an act to be termed as Piracy. What specifically distinguishes piracy from armed robbery or any other maritime threat is (a) the two-ship condition – pirate ship and the victim ship (b) (acts) occur in the High Seas, thereby delineating the jurisdictional boundaries for prosecuting piracy and subjecting to universal jurisdiction. The definition of piracy under UNCLOS does not include the usage of Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAVs) under its ambit. Moreover, political motivations (political or ideological rather than private gains) further complicate the issue
Considering the current geopolitics, the increase in the number of such attacks necessitates the need for a re-examination and alterations in the prevailing legal frameworks to effectively address and penalise the offenders. The challenges posed by such non-traditional threats exist both at the ground level, in terms of enforcement, and at the legal level, in terms of prosecution and classification. The international community must collaborate to rework existing definitions, amend relevant legal instruments, and close the legal gaps that allow such acts to go unpunished. India's Maritime Anti-Piracy Act 2022, which aims to provide a legal framework for prosecuting acts of piracy, is a step in the right direction. However, the classification of these drone attacks as piracy remains a grey area, revealing significant legal gaps that must be addressed
These attacks may more accurately be termed acts of maritime terrorism, a concept though overlapping with piracy is distinct from it. While piracy typically involves acts of violence or theft at sea for private gain, maritime terrorism though not a single specific legal offence is often used as an umbrella term for a range of criminal activity at sea or from the sea.
Often the concept of maritime terrorism is conflated with offences involving violence at sea, but this is not accurate in all situations. The key elements of maritime terrorism26 are as follows:-
a. Offence includes acts of violence, or the facilitation of violence, or the transport of terrorists or associated materials;
b. Offence is committed by private actors;
c. Offence is committed at sea or using ships;
d. Intent to create fear in the minds of a group of people forms an explicit or overarching component (“chapeau”) of the offence.
Implications
With the increasing intensity of the Hamas-Israel War and the regional conflicts, it is difficult for India to navigate the complexities of its friendly relations with Israel and Iran. The GOA and the Strait of Hormuz are regarded as some of the most important Choke Points in the IOR, and hence the subsequent political and economic impacts of these drone attacks on global trade are noteworthy.
According to the International Energy Agency (IEA), the average oil flow through the Strait of Hormuz in the first ten months of 2023 was 20 mb/d. Since almost 30 per cent of the world's maritime oil trade passes through it, any disruption of the flow through the Strait will have a major impact on the world oil markets. About 70 per cent of the oil flowing through the Strait is directed towards Asia. However, if the shipping lanes are disturbed, only 4.2 mb/d of pipeline capacity is available to divert crude flows to avoid the Strait. This is highly insufficient to meet the current demand. All Liquified Natural Gas (LNG) exports to Qatar and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) travel through the Strait, accounting for 20% of global LNG trade. This indicates that there is no other way to bring these volumes to the market. Although a long-lasting disruption is unlikely, even a short-term disruption will have a significant impact on oil markets. The US IEA estimates that in 2022, 82% of crude oil and condensate sailed through the Gulf of Hormuz was transported to the Asian markets. China, India, Japan, and South Korea are the main destinations for crude oil moving through the Hormuz Strait to Asia, accounting for 67 per cent of the flow of crude oil and condensates through the Hormuz Strait in 2022 and early 202327.
India’s dependence on energy in the region coupled with its threat to energy imports being affected, even a slight interruption in the transit of goods will not only result in supply delays, a rise in shipping costs, and an increase in world energy prices but also a rise in insurance costs and their premiums. The drone attacks have thrown the economy in disarray and spiked inflation thereby forcing the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) to keep the interest rates high28. With a heightened risk of maritime operations in the region, for a major trading country like India whose economic interests and energy needs lie in West Asia, it is necessary for her to effectively implement its ‘Look West’ policy and prioritise the security of its maritime assets traversing the region. For this, it is necessary that India adopts a multi-faceted approach by enhancing its naval capabilities and capacities and strengthening regional and international cooperation to maintain a stable and secure maritime environment
The attack on the Houthi-Iran drones has introduced a new dimension of complexity into the relations between India and Iran, requiring are balance of India's regional strategy. While all fingers point towards Iran for supporting the Houthis it is necessary that India sits up and takes notice. The attacks not only impact the bilateral relations between India and Iran but also have a catastrophic impact on the regional geopolitical dynamics. This requires India to formulate an informed and nuanced strategic response. Both countries share deep historical and cultural which have over the years transformed into a strategic partnership in areas of energy, trade, and maritime cooperation. The development of Iran’s Chabahar port is an important component of India’s regional connectivity initiatives and shows the strategic importance of bilateral relations. Chabahar Port, situated in southeastern Iran, is a vital element of India's regional connectivity initiatives and plays a decisive part in improving trade and economic cooperation between India and Iran. As a solution to the existing issues, India engaged in diplomatic efforts to address the root causes of regional conflicts and contribute to a stable and secure maritime environment. Our External Affairs Minister (EAM) S Jaishaker visited Iran for a series of high-level diplomatic meetings in January 2024.
Engaging in dialogue with Iranian counterpart, the EAM stressed expressed his strong displeasure over the “perceptible increase in threats to the safety of maritime commercial traffic”29. While India must follow a collaborative approach to secure its primary areas of interest, it is often argued that India always plays the role of a mediator through strategic silence and neutrality
Critical Analysis and Way Forward
To effectively combat these threats, it is imperative that international legal frameworks evolve to address the realities of modern maritime security. Legal instruments must be reinterpreted and amended to include new forms of aggression, such as drone strikes, within the ambit of maritime crimes. This may involve expanding the definition of piracy or establishing a new category for acts of maritime terrorism. Such legal clarity is crucial to ensure that perpetrators can be prosecuted and that states have the necessary legal tools to take preventive and punitive measures.
Enforcement actions at sea must also adapt to these new challenges. As maritime threats evolve, so too must the strategies and technologies employed to counter them. The development of robust enforcement mechanisms, capable of addressing both conventional and unconventional threats, is essential to maintaining the security of international shipping lanes.
Diplomacy plays a critical role in this context. As an influential power in the region, India must navigate these challenges with a careful balance of assertiveness and caution. Strengthening diplomatic ties with key regional players is vital to de-escalating tensions and fostering cooperation in maintaining maritime security. At the same time, India must also leverage its relationships with global powers to build a united front against these threats. Diplomatic engagement should be aimed at fostering mutual understanding and establishing clear norms for behaviour at sea, thereby reducing the risk of conflict escalation
Collaborations with developed powers are essential to addressing the challenges posed by Houthi-Iran drone strikes. No single nation can effectively counter these threats alone; therefore, a coordinated international response is necessary. This could involve joint naval exercises, intelligence-sharing agreements, and the co-development of technologies designed to detect and neutralize UAV threats. By aligning its efforts with those of other major powers, India can ensure that its maritime interests are protected and that the broader region remains stable.
Conclusion
In conclusion, the Houthi-Iran drone strikes highlight the need for a comprehensive and evolving approach to maritime security. Legal frameworks must be amended to keep pace with new forms of aggression, and enforcement strategies must be continually updated to address the dynamic threat landscape. These challenges are exacerbated by the legal ambiguities surrounding such attacks, which do not neatly fit into existing definitions of piracy. Diplomacy, particularly in a region as complex as the West Asia, is crucial for managing these threats, and India, given its strategic importance, must play a leading role in these efforts. Finally, collaborations with developed powers will be indispensable in ensuring that India and its allies are well-equipped to address the growing challenges of maritime security in the 21st century.
End Notes:
1. ‘Recent Threats in the Red Sea: Economic Impact on the Region and on the EU’, at https://www.europarl.europa.eu/thinktank/en/document/EPRS_BRI(2024)760390 (accessed on August 01, 2024)
2. ‘India has taken attacks on MV Chem Pluto and MV Sai Baba seriously: Defence Minister Rajnath Singh’, at https://m.facebook.com/ANINEWS.IN/videos/india-has-taken-attacks-on-mv-chem-pluto-mv-sai-baba-seriously-defence-minister-/759212239354832/ (accessed on August 01, 2024)
‘Houthi Rebel Red Sea Attacks and Threat of Escalation and Supply Chain Chaos are a major headache – not just for the West’, at https://theconversation.com/houthi-rebel-red-sea-attacks-and-the-threat-of-escalation-and-supply-chain-chaos-are-a-major-headache-and-not-just-for-the-west-220787 (accessed on August 01, 2024)
3. Ensuring Secure Seas: Indian Maritime Security Strategy’, Integrated Headquarters Ministry of Defence (Navy), 2015, p 32. Maritime Security Architecture and Western Indian Ocean Region: India’s Stakes’, at https://www.idsa.in/idsacomments/Maritime-Security-Architecture-and-Western-Indian-Ocean-180124, (accessed on August 01, 2024)
4. India Iran Relations, at https://www.indianembassytehran.gov.in/eoithr_pages/MTY (accessed on 01 August 01, 2024)
5. Israeli Palestinian Conflict, at https://www.cfr.org/global-conflict-tracker/conflict/israeli-palestinian-conflict (accessed on August 01, 2024)
6. Iran, Hamas, and Islamic Jihad: A marriage of convenience, at https://ecfr.eu/article/iran-hamas-and-islamic-jihad-a-marriage-of-convenience/ (accessed on August 01, 2024)
7. Iran and Israel: From Allies to Archenemies, how did they get there? at https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2023/11/6/iran-and-israel-from-allies-to-archenemies-how-did-they-get-here (accessed on August 01, 2024)
8. Houthi’s New Narrative: Fighting Western Imperialism, at https://gcaptain.com/houthis-new-narrative-fighting-western-imperialism/ (accessed on August 01, 2024)
9. Two Major Saudi Oil Installations Hit by Drone Strike, and US Blames Iran’, at https://www.nytimes.com/2019/09/14/world/middleeast/saudi-arabia-refineries-drone-attack.html (accessed on August 01, 2024)
10. Indian Warship Responds to Drone Attack on Merchant Vessel in Gulf of Aden, at https://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/indian-warship-responds-to-drone-attack-on-merchant-vessel-in-gulf-of-aden-101705574877077.html (accessed on August 01, 2024)
11. MV Sai Baba, ship with 25 Indians, hit by drone in the Red Sea, at https://www.deccanchronicle.com/nation/current-affairs/251223/mv-sai-baba-ship-with-25-indians-hit-by-drone-in-red-sea.html (accessed on August 13, 2024)
12. Preliminary Assessment of Attack on MV Chem Pluto, at https://pib.gov.in/PressReleaseIframePage.aspx?PRID=1990363 (accessed on August 01, 2024
13. Drone Attack Sparked Fire, Total Power Failure on MV Chem Pluto Ship, at https://www.wionews.com/india-news/drone-attack-sparked-fire-total-power-failure-on-mv-chem-pluto-674802 (accessed on August 01, 2024)
14. Preliminary Assessment of Attack on MV Chem Pluto, at https://pib.gov.in/PressReleaseIframePage.aspx?PRID=1990363 (accessed on August 13, 2024)
15. MV Chem Pluto strike by a drone, confirms Navy; 3 missile destroyers are on deployment in the Arabian Sea’, at https://www.deccanherald.com/india/mv-chem-pluto-strike-was-by-a-drone-confirms-navy-3-missile-destroyers-are-on-deployment-in-arabian-sea-2824852 (accessed on August 01, 2024)
16. MV Chem Pluto reaches Mumbai: Probe points to drone attack, deploying Guided Missile Destroyers, says Navy, at https://indianexpress.com/article/india/mv-chem-pluto-reaches-mumbai-probe-points-to-drone-attack-deploying-guided-missile-destroyers-says-navy-9082731/ (accessed on August 13, 2024)
17. Indian Navy’s Mission Deployed Platforms Responds to a Maritime Incident in the Gulf of Aden, at https://pib.gov.in/PressReleaseIframePage.aspx?PRID=1997275 (accessed on August 13, 2024)
18. ‘Indian Navy’s Destroyer responds to a distress call from drone hit merchant vessel in the Gulf of Eden’, at https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/indian-navy-responds-to-merchant-vessel-under-drone-attack-in-gulf-of-aden/article67751533.ece (accessed on August 13, 2024)
19. Indian Navy’s Mission Deployed Platforms Responds to a Maritime Incident in the Gulf of Aden’, at https://pib.gov.in/PressReleaseIframePage.aspx?PRID=1997275 (accessed on August 13, 2024)
20. Drone Attack Sparked Fire, Total Power Failure on MV Chem Pluto Ship’, at https://www.wionews.com/india-news/drone-attack-sparked-fire-total-power-failure-on-mv-chem-pluto-674802 (accessed on August 27, 2024)
21. Preliminary Assessment of Attack on MV Chem Pluto, at https://pib.gov.in/PressReleaseIframePage.aspx?PRID=1990363 (accessed on August 27, 2024)
22. Houthi Attacks: the Long History of Piracy at Sea, Barrons, at https://www.barrons.com/articles/houthi-attacks-the-long-history-of-piracy-at-sea-5c7f8ea5 (accessed on August 27, 2024)
23. Houthi Attacks on International Shipping, at https://www.state.gov/houthi-attacks-on-international-shipping/ (accessed on August 27, 2024)
24. Legal Framework for Repression of Piracy under UNCLOS, at https://www.un.org/depts/los/piracy/piracy_legal_framework.htm (accessed on August 27, 2024)
25. United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, ‘Maritime Crime: A Manual for Criminal Justice Practitioners’, Global Maritime Crime Program, p. 134
